In July 2011, while she was preparing to debut as a deputy in the Madrid Assembly, Isabel Díaz Ayuso was constantly waiting for her email. A company owned by his father, a businessman with a long history in the health sector, specialized, among other things, in the sale of instruments and machinery, was not in a position to return a guarantee of 400,000 euros granted by the semi-public company Avalmadrid.More informationConcerned about the repercussions that this could have on her family's assets, the current conservative leader contacted the guarantor entity to request information, as EL PAÍS revealed. The Avalmadrid case was born, the first in a string of four controversies over the businesses of Ayuso's family and those around Ayuso with the healthcare world that culminated this Tuesday with the news that her current partner, Alberto González Amador, has been reported for allegedly defrauding 350,951 euros to the Treasury in its businesses (mainly with QuirónSalud, according to the complaint). Avalmadrid Case. This semi-public entity, according to the disputed opinion of an investigative commission of the Assembly, would have given “preferential” and “personalized” treatment to Ayuso in 2011, when it informed the then popular deputy about the conditions of a guarantee granted to a company. participated by his father (MC Infortécnica) so that he could obtain a loan of 400,000 euros. The money was never fully recovered. And, before any non-payment, the current president of the Community accepted the donation of her paternal apartment, which was then out of the reach of creditors. The operation had raised doubts even within Avalmadrid. “The property does not comply with the current urban planning regulations,” the appraisers warned after visiting Ayuso's father's warehouse, which served as the main collateral, located in an industrial estate in Sotillo de la Adrada (Ávila). “There is a possibility that part of the property will be demolished without the owner being able to claim any compensation.” When the non-payments began, and he was unable to recover money after negotiating, Avalmadrid decided to assign the debt to a company specialized in collections—a practice that the entity had to leave years later due to the controversy that caused his employment to become known. Nobody wanted the ship that had served as collateral. Everything was reported to the Prosecutor's Office, which did not observe any crime and filed the matter. What affects the most is what happens closest. To not miss anything, subscribe.SubscribeTomás Díaz Ayuso Case. It is November 11, 2021. The opposition en masse leaves the plenary session of the Madrid Assembly to protest that the socialist María del Carmen López has been expelled for saying the following about Tomás Díaz Ayuso, brother of the president and commission agent in the sector health: “He goes around the hospitals to suggest to the contracting units which company should be hired.” By then, Pablo Casado's PP had been investigating for months a contract between the Community of Madrid and the company Priviet to obtain masks during the worst of the pandemic in exchange for 1.5 million euros. The order was awarded by emergency means (by hitchhiking) to a company led by a childhood friend of the Díaz Ayuso brothers in Sotillo de la Adrada (Ávila). Priviet Sportive SL, which was dedicated to the textile and livestock business, obtained the order on April 1, 2020, after submitting a brief email with the offer. In exchange, it delivered 250,000 FPP2 and FPP3 masks at 6.05 euros each. As a result, the president's brother, who denied knowledge of the contract, obtained a commission of 234,000 euros. Since then, the case has been dismissed by the Spanish and European Prosecutor's Offices, as investigators found no evidence of influence peddling (“ «no indication, call, recommendation or suggestion from any authority or official interested in this contract») or conflict of interest prohibited by law, since his brother was not a director or shareholder of Priviet. On the other hand, its political consequences were of the first magnitude: it cost Casado his position, which made way for Alberto Núñez Feijóo as leader of the PP.Sismédica. The regional president is the owner of 50% of the limited company Sismédica, according to her official declaration of assets, which states that the value of the company is 1,502.53 euros. The administrator of the company is her brother Tomás de ella. The main occupation is real estate, although its corporate purpose includes that it also carries out tasks such as «the purchase, sale, import, export» and distribution of «electromedicine products» and «in general of materials and products of a scientific nature.» The company did not appear in the first declaration of assets of the regional president in the Assembly, which was later rectified to include it. González Amador case. On February 13, the Prosecutor's Office signed a complaint for two crimes of tax fraud and one crime of forgery in a commercial document against a group of five people that includes Alberto González Amador, Ayuso's partner, according to a document advanced by eldiario.es and al accessed by EL PAÍS. The total amount allegedly defrauded through a scheme of false invoices would amount to 350,951 euros, according to Treasury calculations, corresponding to the fiscal years of 2020 and 2021, in which those accused carried out businesses related to the coronavirus pandemic, with the main client being the healthcare giant Quirón. This group manages four hospitals in the public network of the Community of Madrid – the Jiménez Díaz Foundation, the Rey Juan Carlos Hospital, the Infanta Elena and the Villalba General Hospital -. The current Minister of Health of Madrid, Fátima Matute, also comes from Quirón. Subscribe here to our daily newsletter about Madrid.
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